00100			 THE PARANOID MODE
00200	 The Concept of Paranoia
00300		Like  ourselves,  the  ancient  Greeks  called  one   another
00400	paranoid.  The  term  `paranoia'  (Gr:  para=beside;  nous  =  mind)
00500	referred to states of craziness and mental deterioration. For roughly
00600	the next two thousand years the term disappeared from classifications
00700	of mental disorders.  Historians have not seemed curious  about  what
00800	persons  with persecutory delusions were called all that time. (It is
00900	doubtful that there weren't  any.)  In  the  18th  century  the  term
01000	reappears  in  German  classifications  to refer to delusional states
01100	categorized as disorders of intellect rather  than  emotion.  (Lewis,
01200	1970).
01300		Little agreement about the meaning of the term "paranoia" was
01400	reached  until  this  half of the present century, when it achieved a
01500	solid adjectival status, as in "paranoid personality"  and  "paranoid
01600	state".      At  present the category "paranoid" has high reliability
01700	(85-95% interjudge agreement). The term is generally used to refer to
01800	the  presence  of  persecutory  delusions.  To distinguish:  somatic,
01900	erotic, grandeur and jealousy delusions are simply identified as such
02000	without characterizing them as paranoid.
02100		To  introduce  what  being  paranoid  is  like,  let us first
02200	consider two modes of human activity, one termed "ordinary"  and  the
02300	other termed "paranoid".
02400		In the ordinary mode of human action a person goes about  his
02500	business  of everyday living in a matter-of-fact way.   He deals with
02600	recurrent and routine situations in his environment  as  they  arise,
02700	taking things at their face value.  Events proceed in accordance with
02800	his beliefs and expectations and thus can be managed routinely.  Only
02900	a  small  amount  of  attention  need  be  devoted  to monitoring the
03000	environment , simply checking that everthing is as expected.     This
03100	placid ongoing flow of events can be interrupted by the the detection
03200	of signs of alarm or opportunity at any  time.  But  the  predominant
03300	condition  is one of a steady progression of events so ordinary as to
03400	be uneventful.
03500		In contrast to this routine ordinariness is the arousal state
03600	of emergency termed the "paranoid mode", characterized by a continous
03700	wary suspiciousness.  To appreciate the nature and problems  of  this
03800	state,  imagine the situation of a spy in a hostile country.  To him,
03900	everyone he meets is a potential enemy, a  threat  to  existence  who
04000	must   be   evaluated  for  malevolence.    To  survive  he  must  be
04100	hypervigilant and fully mobilized to attack, to flee, to stalk.    In
04200	this  situation  appearances  are  not  to  be taken at face value as
04300	ordinary events or routine background but each must  be  attended  to
04400	and  interpreted  in  order  to  detect malevolence.    Events in the
04500	environment, which in the ordinary mode would not be connected to the
04600	self,  become  referred  to  the  self and interpreted as potentially
04700	menacing.     The  unintended  effects  of  other  persons   may   be
04800	misinterpreted  as  intended  and  the  undesigned  tends  to  become
04900	confused  with  the  designed.     Nothing  can  be  allowed  to   be
05000	unattendable.    The  dominant  intention  of  the agent is to detect
05100	malevolence from others.
05200	
05300		When  dividing  the  world  of  experience  into   conceptual
05400	classes,  we  sort and group together objects and events according to
05500	common properties.  The members of a class resemble  one  another  in
05600	sharing certain properties.    The resemblances are neither exact nor
05700	total; members of a conceptual class  are  considered  more  or  less
05800	alike  and  there  exist degrees of resemblance.  Further, humans are
05900	neither subjective nor objective; they are projective.     In forming
06000	classifications, they project their intentions onto the world.   Thus
06100	the world of experience consists both of  our  interactive  relations
06200	and the objects to which we relate depending on our interests.
06300		Observations and classifications made by clinicians regarding
06400	naturally-occurring paranoid disorders have been thoroughly described
06500	in the psychiatric literature.   Extensive accounts can be  found  in
06600	Swanson,  Bohnert  and Smith (1970) and in Cameron (1967).    I shall
06700	attempt to give a condensed description of paranoid phenomena as they
06800	appear  in, or are described by, patients in a psychiatric interview.
06900	It is many of these phenomena which  the  proposed  simulation  model
07000	attempts to explain.
07100	
07200		The  main  phenomena  of paranoid disorders can be summarized
07300	under concepts of suspiciousness,  self-reference,  hypersensitivity,
07400	fearfulness , hostility and rigidity.  These class-concepts represent
07500	common empirical indicators of the paranoid mode.
07600	
07700	Suspiciousness
07800		The  chief  characteristic  of  clinical  paranoid  disorders
07900	consists of  suspiciousness,  a  mistrust  of  others  based  on  the
08000	patient's  malevolence  beliefs.         The patient believes others,
08100	known  and  unknown,  have  evil  intentions  towards  him.   In  his
08200	relationships  he  is  continously  on  the  look-out  for  signs  of
08300	malevolence, some of which he infers from  the  results  of  his  own
08400	probings.  He is hypervigilant; people must be watched, their schemes
08500	unmasked and foiled.   He  is  convinced  others  try  to  humiliate,
08600	harass,  subjugate, injure, and even kill him. In an interview he may
08700	report such beliefs directly or ,if he  is  well-guarded,  he  offers
08800	only  hints.   He does not confide easily. Disclosure may depend upon
08900	how the interviewer responds in the dialogue to the patient's reports
09000	of fluctuating suspicions and/or absolute convictions.
09100		He is greatly concerned with "evidence". No room  is  allowed
09200	for  mistakes,  ambiguities  or chance happenings.  "Paranoids have a
09300	greater passion for the truth than other madmen."  -(Saul  Bellow  in
09400	Sammler's  Planet).  Using trivial evidential details, his inferences
09500	leap from the undeniable to the unbelievable.
09600		The  patient  may vary in his own estimate of the strength of
09700	his malevolence beliefs. If they consist of  weakly-held  suspicions,
09800	he  may  have  moments of reasoning with himself in which he tries to
09900	reject them as ill-founded.  But when the beliefs represent  absolute
10000	convictions,  he  does  not  struggle to dismiss them.    They become
10100	pre-conditions for countering actions against tormentors who wish and
10200	try  to  do  him evil.  He seeks affirmation of his beliefs.  ("It is
10300	certain that my conviction increases the  moment  another  soul  will
10400	believe  in  it."  Joseph Conrad in Lord Jim.). He wants sympathy and
10500	allies in positions of power such as clinicians or  lawyers  who  can
10600	help him take action against his oppressors.
10700		The malevolence beliefs may involve a specific  other  person
10800	or  a  conspiracy  of  others such as the Mafia, the FBI, Communists,
10900	Hell's Angels.  The patient sees himself as a victim ,one who suffers
11000	at  the  hands  of  others  rather  than  as  an agent who brings the
11100	suffering on himself.  Other agents subject him to, and make him  the
11200	object  of,  their  evil intentions. He dwells on and rehearses these
11300	outrages in his imagination.  He schemes  to  defeat  or  escape  his
11400	adversaries.   The  misdeeds  of  others  are  denounced, disparaged,
11500	condemned and belittled. He feels interfered with  and  discriminated
11600	against.
11700		The specific content of  the  beliefs  may  not  be  directly
11800	expressed in a first interview.     The patient may be so mistrustful
11900	of how their disclosure might be used against him that he  cautiously
12000	feels  his  way  through  an  interview  offering only hints which an
12100	interviewer can use to infer the presence of persecutory delusions.
12200	
12300		Using  his  own  credibility  judgements,   the   interviewer
12400	attempts  to  determine whether the patient's malevolence beliefs are
12500	delusions (false beliefs) or not. Experienced clinicians realize that
12600	some  malevolence  beliefs  can  turn  out  to  be  true.  Others may
12700	represent correct  estimations  on  the  part  of  the  patient  who,
12800	however,  fails  to see that the malevolence of others is a secondary
12900	consequence of his tendency to accuse and provoke others to the point
13000	where they in fact become hostile towards him.
13100	
13200	
13300	Self-Reference and Hypersensitivity
13400	
13500	
13600		The  patient  may  believe  many  events in the world pertain
13700	directly to hims.     Other  observers  of  his  situation  find  his
13800	conviction  hard  to  accept.   For example, he may be convinced that
13900	newspaper headlines refer to him personally or that the statements of
14000	radio  announcers contain special messages for him. Hypervigilant and
14100	hypersensitive, he  reads  himself  into  situations  which  are  not
14200	actually intended to pertain to him and his particular concerns.
14300	
14400		References to the self  are  misconstrued  as  slurs,  snubs,
14500	slights  or  unfair  judgements.  He may feel he is being watched and
14600	stared at.  He is excessively concerned about his visibility to  eyes
14700	which  threaten  to  see  concealed  inadequacies, expose and censure
14800	them. Cameras, telescopes ,etc.    which  may  be  directed  his  way
14900	unnerve him. He may feel mysteriously influenced through electricity,
15000	radio  waves,  or  (more  contemporaneously)   by   emanations   from
15100	computers.     He  is  hypersensitive to criticism.      In crowds he
15200	believes he is intentionally bumped. Driving on the highway he  feels
15300	repeatedly  followed  too-closely  by  the car behind.   Badgered and
15400	bombarded without relief by  this  stream  of  wrongs  ,  he  becomes
15500	hyper-irritable, querulous and quarrelsome.
15600		He is touchy about certain topics, flaring up when references
15700	to  particular conceptual domains appear in the conversation.     For
15800	example, any remarks about his age, religion, family, or sexlife  may
15900	set  him  off.     Even  when  these domains are touched upon without
16000	reference to  him,  e.g.    religion  in  general,  he  may  take  it
16100	personally.    When a delusional complex is present, linguistic terms
16200	far removed from, but still conceptually connectable to, the  complex
16300	stir  him up. Thus, to a man holding beliefs that the Mafia intend to
16400	harm him, any remark about  Italy  might  lead  him  to  react  in  a
16500	suspicious or fearful manner.
16600	
16700	Affect-States
16800	
16900		The  major  affects expressed, both verbally and nonverbally,
17000	are those of fear, anger and mistrust. The patient fears that  others
17100	wish  to  subjugate  and  control  him. He may be fearful of physical
17200	attack and injury even to the point of death. His fear  is  justified
17300	in  his  mind by the many threats he detects in the conduct of others
17400	towards him.   He is hostile to what are interpreted as  insinuations
17500	or  demeaning  allusions. His chronic irritability becomes punctuated
17600	with outbursts of raging tirades and diatribes.  When he feels he  is
17700	being  overwhelmed, he may erupt and in desperation physically attack
17800	others.
17900		The  affects of fear, anger and mistrust he experiences blend
18000	with one another  in  varying  proportions  to  yield  an  unpleasant
18100	negative  affect  state  made  continuous by fantasied rehearsals and
18200	retellings of past wrongs.      Depending on  his  interpretation  of
18300	inputs,  the  patient  may  move away from others and become guarded,
18400	secretive and evasive.  Or  he  may  suddenly  jump  at  others  with
18500	sarcastic  accusations  and  arguments.    His negative affect-states
18600	become locked into self-perpetuating cycles with other people in  his
18700	life  space  who may take censuring action towards him because of his
18800	uncommunicativeness or outbursts.
18900	
19000	
19100	Rigidity
19200	
19300		Another  salient  characteristic  of  the  paranoid  mode  is
19400	excessive rigidity.   The patient's beliefs in  his  sensitive  areas
19500	remain  fixed,  difficult to influence by evidence or persuasion. The
19600	patient himself makes few attempts to falsify his convictions.     To
19700	change  a  belief is to admit being wrong.     To forgive others also
19800	opens a crack in the wall of righteousness.    He does not  apologize
19900	nor  accept  apology.   He stubbornly follows rules to the letter and
20000	his literal interpretations  of  an  organization's  regulations  can
20100	drive  others  wild.     It is this insistent posture of rigidity and
20200	inflexibility which makes the  treatment  of  paranoid  processes  by
20300	symbolic-semantic  methods  so  difficult.  The patient clings to his
20400	overvalued   convictions   in   spite   of   all    the    "rational"
20500	counter-evidence offered.
20600	
20700	Other Descriptions of Naturally Occurring Paranoias
20800		Historians,   biographers,   playwrights,    novelists    and
20900	journalists   have   contributed  naturalistic  descriptions  of  the
21000	paranoid mode. Hofstader, a political historian, observed in an essay
21100	on the paranoid style in American politics.( Hofstader, 1965):
21200		"It is, above all, a way of seeing the world and of
21300		expressing oneself...the feeling of persecution is
21400		central and is indeed systematized in grandiose theories
21500		of conspiracy...
21600	
21700		While any system of beliefs can be expressed in the
21800		paranoid style, there are certain beliefs which seem
21900		to  be  espoused  almost  entirely  this  way." 
22000	These  beliefs  commonly  refer  to  vast  invisible   conspiratorial
22100	networks.
22200	
22300		"But there is a vital difference between the paranoid
22400		spokesman in politics and the clinical paranoiac; although
22500		they both tend to be overheated, overaggressive, grandiose,
22600		and apocalyptic in expression, the clinical paranoid sees the
22700		hostile and conspiratorial world in which he feels himself
22800		to be living as directed specifically AGAINST HIM; whereas
22900		the spokesman of the paranoid style finds it directed
23000		against a nation, a culture, a way of life whose fate
23100		affects  not  himself  alone  but  millions of others." 
23200	Clear  examples  are the beliefs of anti-fluoridationists and extreme
23300	right-wing beliefs about a sustained, sinister, gigantic  and  subtle
23400	Communist  conspiracy  which  must  be  defeated,  not  by  the usual
23500	politics, but by an all-out crusade which is forever faced with  time
23600	running out.
23700		"The enemy is clearly delineated: he is a perfect model
23800		of malice, a kind of amoral superman: sinister, ubiquitous,
23900		powerful, cruel, sensual, luxury-loving."
24000		As have other chroniclers of  the  paranoid  mode,  Hofstader
24100	noted  the  paranoid paradox of imitating the enemy. The Ku Klux Klan
24200	imitates Catholoicism's priestly vestments and elaborate rituals. The
24300	John   Birch  Society  emulates  Communist  cells  and  front-groups.
24400	Anti-intellectual paranoid critics and  investigators  present  their
24500	"evidence"  in  overwhelming  detail,  a  caricature  of pedantry and
24600	scholarship.
24700		"The very character of its conclusions leads to heroic
24800		strivings for `evidence' to prove that the unbelievable
24900		is the only thing that can be believed...the paranoid
25000		mentality is far more coherent than the real world since
25100		it leaves no room for mistakes, failures, or ambiguities...
25200		(the paranoid) has no sense of how things do not happen."
25300		Biographers  of Corvo provide us with fascinating accounts of
25400	a paranoid personality. Corvo, whose real name was Frederick  William
25500	Rolfe  (1860-1913),  was  an  Englishman who styled himself as "Baron
25600	Corvo" and signed himself as "Fr." hoping  it  would  be  misread  as
25700	"Father".  At twenty-six he converted to Catholicism and attempted to
25800	become a priest.  He was expelled from Scots College at Rome as being
25900	unsuitable for the priesthood. Beginning as a dabbler and painter, he
26000	developed himself into a minor writer little recognized while he  was
26100	alive.  He  has  now  become  something of a curiosity in the English
26200	literary world.  Pamela Hansford Johnson wrote a novel about him (The
26300	Unspeakable Skipton,1959).  The term "corvine" now has the additional
26400	sense of referring  to  Corvo's  style.    His  best  known  work,  a
26500	schoolboyish  novel  called Hadrian the Seventh, has been made into a
26600	popular play.  Descriptions of Corvo by his friends, benefactors  and
26700	himself offer a museum of paranoid psychopathology.
26800		He contrived a florid medievalist writing style characterized
26900	by  sinuous  sentences affecting archaic, ecclesiastical, neologistic
27000	words at times so absurd as to be comical. A benefactor wrote:
27100		"Rolfe had literally not another thing in the world
27200		to do but impress his so carefully cultivated personality
27300		on people and bully them into supporting him; his work was
27400		done only for the sake of his own self; the desire to make
27500		a figure in the world was always with him." (Dawkins,
27600		quoted by Weeks, 1971). 
27700		Although he had never been to the university, Rolfe  acquired
27800	an  Oxford  accent and scholarly manner.  He pretended his family was
27900	important and hinted that the Kaiser was his godfather.   He  wore  a
28000	heavy,  self-designed silver ring with a spur to protect himself from
28100	kidnapping attempts by Jesuits. People described him as a  poseur  of
28200	colossal  intellectual  vanity  who  "saw  himself  doing picturesque
28300	things in a picturesque way" and who "contrived to  give  an  air  of
28400	queerness to ordinary actions". (Symons,1955).
28500		Rolfe said of himself:  "I  bathe  in  a  row...A  friend  is
28600	necessary,  one  friend  -  but  an enemy is more necessary. An enemy
28700	keeps one alert." He believed he had powerful enemies  who  conspired
28800	against  him.   In  particular,  Catholics were in league against him
28900	inspiring machinations and subtle plots. A close friend and co-author
29000	stated:
29100		"It is an absolute delusion that anyone keeps a watch on him
29200		or hinders him. Really, in Catholic eyes, he is practically
29300		non-existent." (Benson, quoted in Symons,1971).
29400	
29500		In his writings, Rolfe sought retribution  against  Catholics
29600	and  others  he  harbored  grudges  against.  The hero of Hadrian the
29700	Seventh,  George  Rose,  obviously  Rolfe  himself  in  a  wished-for
29800	personal  odyssey,  is elevated from ordinary English citizen to Pope
29900	in one day! Throughout the book a cast of people  from  Rolfe's  life
30000	are pilloried and gibetted.
30100	
30200		"I tell you what I am about to tell you, not because I have
30300		been provoked, abused, calumniated, traduced, assailed with
30400		insinuation, innuendo, misrepresentation, lies: not because
30500		my life has been held up to ridicule, and to most inferior
30600		contempt: not because the most preposterous stories to my
30700		detriment have been invented, hawked about, believed...
30800		Officially I must correct error."(Hadrian the Seventh).
30900		Always utterly right, he spewed out calligraphic  letters  of
31000	hate.    To  benefactors  who had let him down his letters were acid,
31100	scathing, sneering, blasting, deriding, jarring,  jeering,  abusively
31200	venomous.    He  was a "jaundiced, bitter, persecuted pariah" with an
31300	"everlasting  look  of  suspicion  in   his   narrow   but   piercing
31400	eyes."(Weeks,1971).   If his books were not successful, it was due to
31500	the malignant spite of his foes or the perfidy of friends.
31600		"When payments ceased, largely for the reason that the
31700		expected royalties did not accrue, Rolfe sought an
31800		explanation  of  the fact (which could not be denied) in some
31900	        human agency; and soon found one." (Symons, l955).
32000	
32100		"Rolfe was never a person to let matters rest unexplained.
32200		Their causes and effects had to be known."(Weeks, 1971).
32300		In  his  last  few   years   this   sponging,   unscrupulous,
32400	flambouyant,  eccentric  personality,  full of extravagant quirks and
32500	bizarre kinks,  became  a  scandalous  (homosexual)  character  about
32600	Venice.  After a life of straining for flourish, he died abruptly and
32700	without panache of a heart attack before going to  bed  and  was  not
32800	found until the next afternoon.
32900		Ernest Hemingway (1899-1961), a  writer  of  greater  stature
33000	than  Rolfe,  found  himself  gripped in a paranoid mode in his later
33100	years.  Faced with waning powers, losses of property and friends,  he
33200	became  frightened,  petulant,  and  suspicious. He believed he had a
33300	fatal disease.   He  burst  out  in  long  smoldering  grudges.   His
33400	bewildered friends could not understand why they were considered part
33500	of a conspiracy to betray him. He felt Federal agents  were  pursuing
33600	him  for cheating on his income tax and for impairing the morals of a
33700	minor. To his friend and associate, Hotchner, he erupted:
33800		"It's the worst hell. The goddamnedest hell. They've bugged
33900		everything. That's why we're using Duke's car. Mine's bugged.
34000		Everything's bugged. Can't use the phone. What put me on to 	
34100	        it was that phone call with you. You remember we got disconnected?
34200	        That tipped their hand." (Hotchner, l966).
34300		In a restaurant he believed two  men  at  the  bar  were  FBI
34400	agents.  When  told  they  were  salesmen  who  came there regularly,
34500	Hemingway retorted:
34600		"Of course they're salesmen. The FBI is noted for its clumsy
34700		disguises. What do you think they'd pose as - concert
34800		violinists?".   (Hotchner,  l966).  
34900	In his final days he even turned on Hotchner:
35000		"You've been pumping me and getting the gen, but you're like
35100		Vernon Lord and all the rest, turning state's evidence, 	
35200	        selling out to them." (Hotchner,1966).
35300		Once in less tortured times, in answer to  a  question  about
35400	death,  Hemingway  replied: "death is just another whore." Beset with
35500	accelerating anxieties and ineradicable convictions of  betrayal,  he
35600	solicited her first, firing a shotgun into his mouth.
35700		A contemporary account of the paranoid mode is  presented  by
35800	Nagler  in  his  biography  of  the  prizefighter  Joe  Louis, former
35900	heavyweight champion of the world.(Nagler,1972). Since 1967  when  he
36000	was  53,  Louis  has  believed that members of the Mafia are pursuing
36100	him, determined to destroy him by poison gas. Particularly at  night,
36200	he suffers outbreaks of suspicion, anxiety, and rage.
36300		"Whenever they stayed in a hotel with air-conditioning
36400		Louis would attempt to paste newspapers over the vents
36500		in his room." 
36600	Louis believes there exists a plot to involve him in  the  making  of
36700	pornographic films with a woman other than his wife. Seeking aid from
36800	his biographer, he said:
36900		"You got to tell the whole story. She's in on it. What they
37000		tried to do was get moving pictures of me in bed with her.
37100		She had this chauffeur, and he was helping her. They
37200		were with the Mafia; and when I found out they started
37300		trying to kill me. That's why they kept pumping that
37400		gas in on me."
37500		These  natural  history  descriptions  of naturally-occurring
37600	paranoia by a variety of nonclinical writers add to our knowledge  of
37700	the  observable  phenomena.  For a deeper understanding of what might
37800	underlie the phenomena , we must turn  to  explanatory  theories  and
37900	models.
38000	
38100			THEORIES OF PARANOIA
38200	
38300		Attempts  to  explain paranoid disorders have been made since
38400	antiquity.     None of these verbally-stated formulations has won the
38500	consensus which typifies scientific theories, since they were neither
38600	systematic nor testable.
38700		Science   represents   a   search  for  consensus  knowledge,
38800	judgments about which agreement can be obtained. (See  Ziman,  1968).
38900	For  a theory to gain scientific consensus, it must meet requirements
39000	of systemicity and testability.
39100		For a theory to be systematic, its hypotheses must cohere and
39200	not be isolated. They must connect with one another  and  collaborate
39300	in  a consistent way. Each hypothesis stands as an initial assumption
39400	or as a  consequence  of  one  or  more  initial  assumptions.    The
39500	consequence  relation  can  be one of logical or empirical entailment
39600	but the system of hypotheses, to be consistent,  should  not  contain
39700	contradictions.
39800		For a  theory  to  be  testable,  it  must  be  sensitive  to
39900	empirical  data  which  can strengthen or weaken its acceptability as
40000	true or authentic. Each hypothesis in the theory need not be directly
40100	or  independently  testable.      But the theory, as a conjunction of
40200	hypotheses, must be brought into contact with data of observation, if
40300	not directly, then indirectly, through a translation process in which
40400	a consequence of  the  theory  can  be  compared  with  observational
40500	evidence.
40600		Previous theories of  paranoia  can  be  criticized  for  not
40700	satisfying these requirements of systemicity and testability.    When
40800	theories are presented in literary form it is difficult to know  what
40900	such  formulations  imply or whether the implications are consistent.
41000	Since natural language is vague and  ambiguous,  prose  theories  are
41100	difficult  to  analyze.   For  example,  we  cannot  tell  (1) if the
41200	assumptions are independent or redundant, (2) if each  assumption  is
41300	needed  or the assumption set is complete or incomplete, and (3) what
41400	is the logical status of the  assumptions  -  are  they  tautologies,
41500	definitions,  typologies  or  empirical statements?   Thories cast in
41600	prose essays are too inexplicit to tell us what we are supposed to do
41700	in order to believe the world behaves as their authors have conceived
41800	it.    If a formulation is  untestable,  the  issues  it  raises  are
41900	undecidable  and unsettleable; thus the necessary consensus cannot be
42000	reached.
42100	
42200		Theories stem from two sources: (1) from hypotheses suggested
42300	by  new  descriptions or revisualizations of the phenomena themselves
42400	and (2) from modifications of a legacy of previous  theories  serving
42500	as  the  bequeathed  myths of the field.  Each generation attempts to
42600	formulate new explanatory theories by discovering new phenomena or by
42700	modifying  predecessor theories.  The old theories are unsatisfactory
42800	or only partially satisfactory because  they  are  found  to  contain
42900	anomalies or contradictions which must be removed. Sometimes previous
43000	theories  are  viewed  as  lacking  evidential  support  by   current
43100	standards.  New versions of a theory try to remove the contradictions
43200	and increase comprehensiveness by explaining more phenomena.  Indeed,
43300	theories are mainly superseded rather than disproved.
43400		Theories have many functions.   They  can  be  summarized  as
43500	follows (Bunge, 1967):
43600		(1)To systematize knowledge.
43700		(2)To explain facts by showing how they are the entailed
43800			consequences of the systematizing hypotheses.
43900		(3)To increase knowledge by deriving new facts.
44000		(4)To enhance the testability of hypotheses by connecting
44100			them to observations.
44200		(5)To guide research by:
44300			(a) posing fruitful problems.
44400			(b) suggesting new data to gather.
44500			(c) opening new lines of investigation.
44600		(6)To map a portion of reality.
44700		It  would be excessive to demand that a single theory fulfill
44800	all these functions.  In  the  pre-consensus  states  of  undeveloped
44900	fields  we  should be happy in achieving even one of them. Models, as
45000	well as theories, can be  assigned  these  functions  when  they  are
45100	theoretical  in  type.   Our model was constructed primarily to serve
45200	functions (2) and (4), offering a testable explanation.
45300		Again,  theories offered as scientific explanations should be
45400	(a) systematic	(i.e.            coherent  and  consistent)  and  (b)
45500	empirically  testable.    Prior  formulations about the paranoid mode
45600	have not met these criteria and thus are deservedly  bygone  notions.
45700	For  example,  to  account for paranoid processes by hypothesizing an
45800	imbalance  of  intellect  and  affect  is  so  vague  and  global   a
45900	formulation as not to merit explanatory status.
46000		For  an  explanation  to achieve consensus, it must be of the
46100	right type, systematic, and testable. To meet these criteria, I shall
46200	propose  a  postulated  structure  of  symbol-manipulating processes,
46300	strategies, functions or procedures which is capable of producing the
46400	observable regularities of the paranoid mode.
46500		In psychiatry it is still useful to view  some  things  which
46600	happen  to  a man in causal mechanical terms. But a man is not only a
46700	passive recipient, subject to Newtons's laws. He is  also  an  active
46800	agent,  a  language  user  who  thereby  can monitor himself, control
46900	himself, direct himself, and emancipate himself while commenting upon
47000	and  criticizing  these performances. Modern psychiatric theory based
47100	on information-processing principles, views man as an agent  as  well
47200	as  recipient.   It must therefore come to grips with those enigmatic
47300	cases in which what causally happens to a man can be a consequence of
47400	his unrecognized reasons.
47500		Let  us  consider  some  explanations  for  the paranoid mode
47600	beginning with Freud  in  the  late  19th  century.  (Historians  can
47700	certainly  find  concepts  of  intentions, affects and beliefs as far
47800	back as Aristotle, who seldom quoted his sources. "It's all been said
47900	before  but  you have to say it again because nobody listens"- Gide).
48000	To explain persecutory paranoia, Freud postulated defense  mechanisms
48100	of repression and projection (Freud, 1896).  He assumed the patient's
48200	believed persecution by others represented intolerable  (  and  hence
48300	repressed   and   projected)  self-reproaches  for  childhood  sexual
48400	experiences.   Today hardly anyone finds this explanation acceptable.
48500	Although  the  formulation has withered , the concepts of defense and
48600	projection have weathered.
48700		Sometime during Freud's friendship with  Fliess  (1897-1902),
48800	the  latter  proposed  to  Freud that paranoia arose from unconscious
48900	homosexual conflict (Jones,1955).  For years Freud was  silent  about
49000	this  notion  in  his  discussions  of paranoia. Then in 1911, in his
49100	notes on the Schreber case, he developed the  Fliess  formulation  in
49200	terms of transformations being applied to the basic proposition `I (a
49300	man) love him.' He postulated this proposition to be  so  intolerable
49400	as  not  to  be  admitted to consciousness and therefore subjected to
49500	unconscious transformations, first into `I do not love  him,  I  hate
49600	him'  which  in  turn  was  transformed into the conscious belief `He
49700	hates me' with the accompanying conclusion `Therefore I am  justified
49800	in hating him'.(Freud,1911).  
49900		Great  difficulty  has  been  encountered  in   testing   the
50000	formulation  since  there  is no agreed-upon method for detecting the
50100	presence  of   unconscious   homosexual   conflict.    Further,   the
50200	explanation  is  inconsistent  with another psychoanalytic tenet that
50300	everyone harbors unconscious homosexual conflicts.  But not  everyone
50400	becomes  paranoid.   To reconcile the inconsistency one would have to
50500	postulate some additional, possibly quantitative factors, to  explain
50600	the  intensity  and extent of the paranoid mode in certain people.  A
50700	final difficulty with the formulation has been the fact that  overtly
50800	homosexual  people  can  be  paranoid,  requiring  in  such  cases  a
50900	postulate of some other type of underlying conflict.
51000		Because of inconsistencies and  difficulty  in  testing,  the
51100	homosexual-conflict  explanation has not achieved consensus.   But as
51200	will be discussed, it may represent a special case in a more  general
51300	theory  which  postulates  self-censuring  and  the  forestalling  of
51400	humiliation to have central functions in the paranoid  mode.  Freud's
51500	later  attempts  at  the  explanation of paranoia assumed simply that
51600	love was transformed into hate (Freud,1923).    This  notion  is  too
51700	incomplete  and  unspecific a formulation to qualify as an acceptable
51800	scientific  explanation.  Contemporary  requirements  demand  a  more
51900	complex  and  precisely  defined organization of functions to account
52000	for such a transformation.
52100		Likewise Cameron's explanation of  paranoia  as  representing
52200	"projected  hostilty"  (Cameron,1967)  represents  a single, isolated
52300	hypothesis.  An isolated tendency  statement  says  little.  What  is
52400	needed  is  a  system  of tendency statements sufficiently complex to
52500	account for a variety of paranoid phenomena.
52600		Tomkins     (Tomkins,1963)     offered     an     interesting
52700	information-processing theory of the  paranoid  "  posture".  It  was
52800	articulated  in  terms  of defensive strategies, transformations ,and
52900	maximizing-minimizing principles. He viewed the paranoid  posture  or
53000	mode  as  an  attempt  to  cope with humiliation.  He proposed that a
53100	person whose information processing is monopolized  by  the  paranoid
53200	mode  is  in a permanent state of vigilance, in order to maximize the
53300	detection of insult and to minimize humiliation. To quote Tomkins:
53400		"The major source of distortion in his interpretation is
53500		 in his insistence on processing all information as though 
53600		 it were relevant only to the possibility of humiliation."
53700		Swanson, Bohnert and Smith  (1970),  in  their  monograph  on
53800	paranoia,  proposed  how  a "homeostatic" individual might attempt to
53900	deal with "bewildering  perceptions".       They  postulated  that  a
54000	person  in  homeostatic  equilibrium  perceives a pronounced inner or
54100	outer change which is inexplicable or unacceptable.    The  resultant
54200	disequilibrium   is   so   bewildering   that  in  order  to  restore
54300	equilibrium, the  person  constructs  a  paranoid  explanation  which
54400	attributes  the  cause  of  the change, not to an internal, but to an
54500	external  source.   With  the  cause  of  the  change  identified   ,
54600	bewilderment is abolished and uncertainty reduced.
54700		Aspects  of  this   formulation   suggest   symbol-processing
54800	strategies  typical of cases of paranoid thinking associated with the
54900	unusual experience of changes resulting from organic brain damage  or
55000	amphetamine psychosis. These are conditions which mechanically happen
55100	to a man.  In paranoid states, reactions or  personalities  where  no
55200	pronounced  physical  change  can  be  identified ,the formulation is
55300	insufficient and must be filled out with more  complex  and  specific
55400	processes.
55500		In sum, the formulations of paranoia reviewed have not gained
55600	widespread acceptance because of various weaknesses and  limitations.
55700	Currently  there  exists  no  reigning  theory of paranoia. In such a
55800	pre-consensus state, the field is open for contending theories.
55900		Previous  theories  have  contributed useful hypotheses.    I
56000	have incorporated some of them (e.g.  Tomkin's  hypothesis  regarding
56100	humiliation)  in  an  attempt  to  explain  paranoid  phenomena  in a
56200	different way, using an  interactive  simulation  model.     I  shall
56300	attempt   to   explain   sequences   of  paranoid  symbolic  behavior
56400	(conversational  interactions)  by  describing  in  some   detail   a
56500	simulation  of  paranoid  interview  behavior  ,  having  in  mind an
56600	audience of  clinicians,  behavioral  scientists  and  colleagues  in
56700	fields  of computer science, artificial intelligence, and philosophy.
56800	The simulation model proposed (first described in  Colby,  Weber  and
56900	Hilf,1971)  stands  as  a  putative  explanation having the merits of
57000	being more explicit, systematic, consistent  and  testable  than  the
57100	theories  described  above.        The  model  combines hypotheses of
57200	previous formulations with additional hypotheses and assumptions , in
57300	an attempt to present a coherent, unified explanation.
57400		Before  we embark on a description of the model, let us first
57500	consider what it means to offer an explanation.